Irina Chikalova
Doctor of
Science (History)
Professor
of Department of World History
of Byelorussia
State Pedagogical University
Consultant
for the project “Gender and Political Parties”
BRITISH
CONSERVATIVES AND LABOURITES:
GENDER POLICY
IN THE PERIOD OF 1970 – 20001
The Conservative Party
British conservatism which had long history and traditions
completed organizational transformation into the Conservative Party
in 1883. Ideology of conservatism as its basis has internal stability and
is attractive to many people, including women. This ideology attracts
those who anticipate danger to their social status and economic position
in the times of changes, i.e. privileged social groups (related to our
topic – men) who are interested in preserving of the social order and
gender system that fully correspond their interests. And not just it.
Conservatism, and that is its second side, aims at taking from the past
and preserving at present of traditional values, spiritual and public
institutions. In this aspect conservative tendencies are close to those
people who strive for historical succession of generations, preserving
of already recognized moral values and traditions. Conservative discurse
is based on the church doctrine “on natural predestination of a woman”
and “a man-breadwinner” and is remarkable for its stability. In conservative
discurse a woman is given a special place as of “a keeper of traditions”,
“keeper of family values and hearth”. In Great Britain it influenced family
values, directions and political priorities not just of the hereditary
aristocracy but also numerous middle class - who were the main support
of conservatives in the 20th century. Women from that class
traditionally did not work. Appealing to women as to housekeepers and
to men as providers of means was a long-time strategy of the conservative
party. As a result, on the one hand for a long time the party did not observe
the fact that the women began more actively adjust to labor market and
ignored their needs, and on the other hand, the party fully associated
image of a politician with a man.
Women and Parliament Elections. Results of sociological
poll. The above-mentioned can explain
not only negative attitude to the problem of granting women with political rights
in the period of heated discussions on that issue starting with the
middle of 1860s both in the parliament and outside its walls, but also
firm aversion to the policy of positive discrimination in the
end of the 20th century. Conservatives consider each electoral district
as an autonomous unit and therefore party leadership does not have control
over activities of the districts. Local functioners can ignore instructions
of the party leader, even if he is a Prime-Minister, regarding including
a certain person in an election list.
For the most purposeful candidates one of the most
complicated problems was to withstand a stereotype that woman’s place
was home and family. Conservatives repudiated any policy aimed at women’s advancing
and most of selection committees didn’t have enthusiasm to promote women.
The major part in selection committee were women of the elderly age
group, who on the one hand, stick to a stereotype that policy is not women’s
occupation, and on the
____________________
1 The present edition was first published under
the title “Ideology and Political Actions of British Conservatives and
Labourites Regarding Women” in “Journal of Research in Social Politics “
other hand they considered that electors were not
ready to vote for women and that is why they rejected women. The opinion
of local selectioners was expressed by the Deputy Chairman of the Conservative
association of Eastborn Mrs. Grace Fletcher:” The problem related
to Eastborn is that among its inhabitants there is a predominant idea
that a man is for some reasons better. In London people don’t care whether
you are a man or a woman as long as you do work. But un-
fortunately here people say that Eastborn is not
ready for a woman- deputy of the parliament”2 Describing in an autobiographical book her experience of passing through
selection process in the Conservative party Emma Nicholson quotes
words of Janet Young, Vice-President of the party on women’s issues:
”Give up your efforts to get in the parliament. Conservative party
does not want to see women in the House of Commons” 3.
As a result in 1983 Nicholson was rejected by conservative associations
of 27 electoral districts before she got possibility to be a candidate
in the counties of Divon West and Torridge. In 1987 she was elected
to the parliament being by that time a Vice-Chairman of Conservative
party with special responsibilities to supervise women’s issues. It
is remarkable that biography of Young herself consisted of the list
of achievements with the key word “the first”. Baroness Young was the
first woman in Conservative Party Government Whip in the House of Lords,
the first woman – deputy head of Conservative party, the first woman
– chancellor of Lancaster Duchy, the first woman – Lord Privy Seal,
the first woman – Deputy Minister in Foreign Affairs, the first woman
– leader of the House of Lords. Olga Mainlane who had been selected
as a candidate in a safe for the Tories district during elections 1992 said
that she could hardly believe the decision of the selection committee
after she had lost count of the electoral districts which had rejected
her. “Women, especially of elderly age, do not want to vote for women.
As the result many talented and capable women avoid politics”.4
If ever local conservative selection committees nominated
women, that happened in districts with little chance to be elected.
Analysis of distribution of women-candidates among the electoral districts shows
that in 1979 19 women out of 31 were assigned to knowingly losing districts,
12 women – to marginal districts and none of them was nominated in the
districts secure for the Conservatives.5 In 1979
a chance for a woman to be elected after being selected was less than
1 to 10, while for men it was 1 to 3-4.6 In 1983 the
chances for men stayed at about the same level while opportunities for
women fell down to 1 to 12. The reason for that was the character of
the districts where women fought – they were hopeless and marginal.
About the same dynamics was preserved at distribution of electoral districts
during next elections. In 1992 and 1997 the Labourites recommended correspondingly
138 and 159 women-candidates compared to 63 and 68 from the Conservatives. There
were only 43 women out of 340 Tory candidates who nominated for the
first time for elections 1992. The conservatives had 56 relatively secure
places which were left by the parliament deputies of the previous convocation but
only 6 of them were given to women.8 During elections 1997
the Labourites gave women 48 winning places, while the Conservatives
gave winning places to 3 women-candidates. Even among women-members
of the parliament from the Conservative Party there were no those who
supported promotion of women in political structures.
Moreover they often represented a certain part of the party which was most
of all resolutely opposing changes of gender balance _______________________
2 Elliot Valerie.
Ladies Learn to Make Men Give Them a Seat // Sunday Telegraph, 7
November 1993
3 Nicholson Emma. Secret Society: Inside and Outside the Conservative
Party. London. 1996. P.54
4 The Times
, 15 March 1992
5. Hills Jill,
“Candidates, the Impact of Gender” in Parliamentary Affairs. Spring
1981. Vol.34.#2 P.223
6 Vallance Elizabeth,
“Women Candidates in the 1983 General Election” in Parliamentary
Affairs. 1984. Vol.37. #3 P.305
7.The daily
Telegraph, 17 April 1997
The Sunday Times, 15 March 1992.
in Westminster. This is proved by the data of sociological
poll held among the deputies of the
House of Commons by the author in 1996.
In 1996 the author had half-standard interviews with
the deputies-conservatives of the British Parliament Theresa Gorman,
Marion Ro, Olga Mainlane, Ann Vinterton regarding problems of their
being in politics. The author also prepared a questionnaire for the
deputies of the House of Commons in the period of 1992 – 1997 aimed
at finding their point of view on the problems connected with emergence,
promotion and staying of women in British politics. The questionnaire
was sent to all women-parliament members and to the same amount of men
from the Conservative and Labour factions. The questionnaire was answered
by 30 people: 9 women from Labour faction and 3 from Conservative faction
as well as 9 men from the Labour Party and 9 men from the Conservative
Party. Out of a long list of questions for the present article we selected
just six: 1. What go you think is the fundamental difficulty for women
who want to nominate to the Parliament? 2. In which of the parties it
is more difficult for a woman to be selected as a candidate to the Parliament?
3. Do you think that local selection committees discriminate directly
or indirectly women-candidates? 4. If you think that there is discrimination,
give an example of its forms. 6. What should be done, you think, to
reduce discrimination?
In answer to the question of the questionnaire
“What go you think is the fundamental difficulty for women who want
to nominate to the Parliament? the deputies gave a wide range of
answers – “prejudice against women”, “children and family”, “perception
of women-candidates by other people, role models”, “prejudice of men”,
“party political structures, parliamentary organization, confrontational style
in policy”, “family responsibilities, attitude (to women)”, “cultural
history”, “direct and indirect discrimination, financial difficulties,
responsibility to take care of the children”, “family responsibilities,
self-expectations”, “money”, “age”, “belief that it is difficult, attitude”,
“prejudice”, “care of the children and home responsibilities make it
hard to be political activist”, “it is harder to travel to electoral
districts to pass selection interviews”, “conservatism, culture”, “prejudice,
habit, shortage of people who nominate themselves”, “selection prejudice”,
“people prefer men”, “selection committees do not tend to select them,
less amount of women apply”, “antipathy on behalf of the selection committees”,
“women in selection committees do not always vote for women”.
In order to get into political range it is necessary
to nominate as a candidate and be selected by the party selection committee.
The next question which helped to learn the parliament members opinion
was In which of the parties it is more difficult for a woman to
be selected as a candidate to the Parliament? The majority of those
who answered the question mentioned in that way or another the Conservative
Party: “the Tories have chauvinist attitude”, “the Conservative Party
is more inclined to consider women as their supplement, “it is more
difficult in the Conservative Party because conservative women do not
want women-members of the Parliament, “ Mrs. Thatcher’s attitude to
women in the parliament was very negative”, “(the conservatives) had
more reluctance in the past and have it more at present compared to
the Labourites”, “in the Conservative Party there is culture of a wife
and a mother”, while in “the Labour Party there is a system of assistance
to women. The Tories do not have it at all” and in general “the whole
atmosphere in the Labour Party is more favorable to women-candidates”.
The Conservatives very unwillingly supported women’s candidates, not
to mention that the Party principally rejected any policy of their
promotion. Party selectioners (where women of the elder age group prevailed)
were looking for a nice-looking 33-year old man with the appearance
of an ideal son-in-law and did not have enthusiasm about advancing women.
On the one hand they stick to a stereotype that politics is not female
occupation, and on the other hand they thought that electors were not
ready to vote for women. Olga Mainlane being selected as a candidate
for a secure seat during elections 1992 said that she could hardly believe
the decision of the selection committee after she had lost count of
the electoral districts which had rejected her.
______________________
“Women, especially of elderly age, do not want
to vote for women. As the result many talented and capable women avoid
politics”.10 However after staying several years in
Westminster Mainlane gave a different evaluation of her emergence in
the Parliament and her staying there
and rather expressed the Party point of view: ”I don’t
think that my emergence in the Parliament was very much different from
what my colleague-men had to get through. It was a long and hard journey,
but it should not stop women-candidates. After I found myself in the
House of Commons I didn’t notice any special problems”.11
At the conference
of the Conservatives in 1992 one of the Party leaders Mr.Chris Patten
expressed regret that women-selectioners had often been against selection
of women.12 In this respect a very clear personal aversion
and position of the Party was revealed by two members of the Parliament since
1983 Ann Vinterton and Marion Ro. In 1996 Ann Vinerton asserted: The
fact that I am a woman was not an obstacle to be selected as a candidate and
did not create any problems for me when I appeared in Westminster. I
don’t share the opinion that women are poorly represented in the Parliament
because I do not believe that sex of a person is an exact indicator
of his ability to adequately represent views and interests of any electoral
group and of course I reject assumptions that any form of positive discrimination
or quota system is suitable for selection of candidates. Such approach
is insulting for women who have right to be elected on the basis of
their individual merits the same way as their colleagues-men. For similar
reasons I would support abolition of Commission on equal possibilities
which is reactive in its essence and arouses difference of opinion in
its approaches.13 Marion Ro in her turn in her interview to
the author mentioned: I think that in the Conservative Party there is
a common opinion that you should be there (in the Parliament) due to
your services as an individual no matter whether you are a man or a
woman... You can not impose anybody to a Selection Committee if they do
not want. The Committee selects. Each Conservative Association of electoral
district selects his candidate. The party considers that what it should
it do is to nominate a good responsible having foresight candidate,
a man or a woman, and to provide women equal possibilities.14
And finally lady Sikom, Deputy Chairman of the Party
on women’s issues in 1993 summarized official position: We believe that
all problems are problems of women and we in this party will never,
never believe in positive discrimination. We believe that
it is humiliating for women. We want electoral districts select the
best representative – man or woman.15
An absolute majority of the parliament members from
both parties, both men and women,
consider that local selection Committees discriminate
directly or indirectly women-candidates. Only two women-Labourites, one
woman-Conservative and one man-Labourite asserted that there was no
any discrimination. On the contrary, among men-Conservatives there are more
of those who either do not notice or do not want to admit that women
are discriminated. In case if those who answered the questionnaire considered
that there was discrimination they were asked “to give examples of
the forms it shapes”. Parliament members gave the following examples:
“questions like if they will be able to cope with work”, “men’s net
and deals”, “preferences (to men). Candidates are already nominated”,
“woman-candidate told me that one of the reasons why she was had not
been nominated was the fact that she wasn’t dressed well and needed losing
weight!”, “it is hard to make up a schedule for party activities because
of the pressure of their home and family responsibilities”, “by not
advancing women and convincing them that home responsibilities suit
them better than men’s”, “being responsible for selection of the candidates in
the Conservative Party I came to one conclusion that local electoral
districts always prefer young man to any type of a woman”, “some members
of the
______________________
The Times, 15 March 1992.
11 Deputy of the
House of Commons Olga Mainlane – to I. Chikalova. Letter of July 3,
1996
12 Women’s News,
Issue 3, October 1995
13 Deputy of the
House of Commons Ann Vinterton – to I.Chikalova. Letter of June 27,
1996
14 Interview of
the author with the Deputy of the House of Commons Marion Ro, July 2,
1996
selection committees are favorably disposed towards
men and women and can be influential”, “in most of selection committees
there is predominance of women who prefer to have men as members of
Parliament”. Selectioners often asked women-candidates questions which
they
never asked men. In her interview to the author Theresa
Gorman mentioned that selection
committees proceeded from the assumption of the dual
role of women and that’s why they “ask about their families not men
but women: if they have children and how they plan to cope with work
in this case. They never ask men if they have children and how they
intend to work. Discrimination has existed up till recent times on all
levels”.16
The consequence of ignoring women was that the party was
attractive only for the elderly generation of women. During 1992 elections
56 per cent of women aged over 55 voted for the Conservatives.
17 At the same time the party began losing support
among younger women-electors. The amount of women aged under 25 who
voted for Laborites was 13 per cent higher compared to those who voted for
the Conservatives.18 In a wider age range from 18
up till 34 the difference was smaller but still sufficient: 44 per cent
of women voted for the Laborites compared to 36 per cent who preferred
the Conservatives.19
Pretension of the Conservatives to be a party of elderly
people became more shaky. In 1995 the average Conservative turned 61,
more than a half were over 65 and only 5 per cent of party members were under
35.20 Meanwhile the age of Labourites became
younger: most of the new members in 1995 were under 40. 21
From the beginning of ninety-nineties the situation aroused natural
concern in the leadership of the party.
Already in 1995 there appeared signs that the Conservative
leadership began tending to undertake certain measures which could increase
the number of women – members of the Parliament. In December 1995 The
Times informed about not advertised plans of the Conservatives to
increase the number of women-parliamentarians with the help of positive
discrimination but only after next elections.22
It seemed like electoral attractiveness of The Laborites practice of
making up women’s list which caused abrupt increase of women-Laborite
candidates pushed the Conservative leadership to revising their attitude
to the problem. On initiative of Vice-Chairman Andgela Rambold the central
office of the Conservative Party urged local associations to be more
friendly to women-candidates.23 Conservative leaders
made an attempt to recruit politically promising women as candidates
for secure places, but they failed to convince activists of electoral
districts to widely advance women. 24 Right before elections
1997 John Maijor expressed his concern that only three new women had
been selected for secure places and privately persuaded several women
to nominate themselves. But all the attempts of the Conservative leadership
to put pressure upon local organizations in order to increase the number
of women-candidates were not successful. The party demonstrated practically
lack of any interest in promotion of women to electoral bodies with
the exception of municipal level. As the result in elections 1997 the
Conservatives had a smashing defeat and passed only 13 women compared
to 101 women from the Labour party. So their small ________________________
16 Interview of
the author with the Deputy of the House of Commons Theresa Gorman, July
24, 1996
17 The Times,
21 October 1996
18 The Independent,
15 December 1995
19 Witherspoon,
Sharon. Labour and the Gender Gap: A Summary of a Report Prepared
for Clare Short, MP, Shadow Minister for Women. London: The Labour
Party. December 1994. P.1
20 Wilkinson Helen,
“The Voter Changes her Mind” in The Independent, 10 October
1996; The Times, 21 October 1996
21 The Times,21
October 1996
22 Thomson Alice,
“Tories may Adopt Quota for Women” in the Times,11 December
1995
23 Shrimsley Robert,
“Rumbold to Close Tory ‘Cone factory” in The daily Telegraph, @4
May 1995; Thomson Alice, “Tories may Adopt Quota for Women” in The
Times, 11 December 1995.
24 Wilkinson Helen,
“The Voter Changers her Mind” in The Independent, 10 October
1996
representation in the Conservative faction of the
House of Commons decreased by 7 people.25
As the result during the elections 2001 the ratio
was 14 against 94 while on the Labour benches of the Parliament of 1997
– 2001 and in a newly elected in 2001 deputy copse practically every
fourth member of the faction was a woman. There appeared a threat that
the Conservatives who kept treating positive discrimination negatively
could stay without their participation in the Parliament at all.
Women in the Cabinets and Shadow Cabinets of
the Conservatives. Traditionally the Conservatives treated the issue of appointing women
for leading positions with mistrust, and for the first time a woman
was given a governmental position of a full Minister only in 1951 when
Florence Horseboch was appointed Minister of Education
in Winston Churchille’s government.26 By 1970
when the Conservatives won the elections, only one woman Margaret Thatcher
had been in a Shadow Cabinet as a Minister of Education since 1969.
27 She was the second woman in the history of the
Conservative Party who occupied full cabinet position of the Minister
of Education and Science in the Government of Edward Heat (June 1970
- March 1974).28 After Party defeat in 1974 Mrs. Thatcher
was again appointed by Edward Heat a Shadow Minister of Education. 29
Election of Margaret Thatcher in 1975 as a leader
of the Conservative Party seemed to not correspond to a traditional
model of a politician coming to power: her chances to be elected were
limited because she lacked experience of working in top positions,
only minority inside the Party shared her views, and she was a woman.
Still if you study thoroughly the model of recruiting to the highest
political office of Great Britain Thatcher’s success won’t seem so surprising.
American researcher Philip Buck analyzed peculiarities of careers of
British politicians elected to the House of Commons between 1918 and
1959.30 He came to a conclusion that those politicians
in Great Britain who achieved Cabinet positions had very similar political
career. Together with their early election to the Parliament which was
usually at the age of about 35, they started career in the ministers
as a parliamentary personal secretary to the Minister of Junior Minister.
Three fourth of the Conservatives and two third of Labour Cabinet Ministers
started their careers from those positions. The first appointment took
place after about four – five years of service in the Parliament.
Political career of Margaret Thatcher fully corresponds
to Buck’s model. She was first elected to the Parliament in 1959 at
the age of 34. Two years later Harold Macmillan appointed her associated
parliamentary secretary for the Minister of pensions and national insurance.
After being a parliamentary secretary of the Cabinet member she became
a junior Minister and kept that position up till the Conservatives defeat
in 1964. She kept different posts in the Shadow Cabinet: Minister of
Gas, Electricity and Nuclear Energy, later Minister of Transportation.
The most important was her appointment a Shadow Minister of Education
in 1969. When in 1970 _____________________
25 The Times,
3 May 1997; Women in the House of Commons. Factsheet.# 5
Public Information Office. House of
26 Dod’s Parliamentary
Companion (London: Dod’s Parliamentary Companion LTD,1952,1953,1954,1955);
Women in the House of Commons. Factsheet. #5. Public Information
Office.House of Commons.London.Revised May 1994. P.16
27 Dod’s Parliamentary
companion (London:Dod’s Parliamentary Companion LTD, 1970)
28 Dod’s Parliamentary
companion (London:Dod’s Parliamentary Companion
LTD, 1971,1972,1973,1974,1975); Women in the House of Commons. Factsheet.#5.
Public Information Office.House of Commons.London.Revised
May 1994. P.17.
29 Dod’s Parliamentary
companion (London:Dod’s Parliamentary Companion LTD, 1975)
30 Buck Philip,
“Amateurs and Professionals” in British Politics,1918-1959 (Chicago.1963);
Buck Philip, “The Early Start Toward cabinet office, 1918-1955” in Western
Political Quarterly. Vol.16.1963.Pp.624-632
the Conservatives won elections again and Edward heat
became a Prime-Minister, Thatcher was the only woman – member of his
Cabinet. She kept the position of Minister of Education and Science
up till the Party defeat in 1974. Next year Thatcher was elected a Party
leader.
Although Thatcher wasn’t the most obvious candidate
for being elected, those who had better chances had thrown down a challenge
to Edward Heat and failed and the turn came to the one
whose chances seemed minimal. A tradition of electing
a leader among those who had positions in the Shadow cabinet, lack of
those willing to challenge Edward Heat, internal party games, desire
of Mrs.Thatcher herself to compete together with a very skilful management
of her campaign by manager Airy Niive – all that was predetermined
her success. Having brought the Party to a success in elections 1979
she became a Prime-Minister.20 years had passed since she was elected
to the Parliament.
During her record 11-year staying in the position
of a Prime-Minister (1979 – 1990) Mrs. Thatcher honoured only 10 women
with Minister posts. There was just one woman in the Cabinet.
When in November 1990 Thatcher resigned she left after herself a
Cabinet made of exclusively of men.32 Conservatism
of Thatcher’s position with regard to women made the political perspectives
of the Party worse.
John Major who was elected in 1990 a leader of the
Conservative party and became a Prime-Minister, made an effort to change
the image of the Conservative leadership by inviting women to important
posts. Judith Chaplin was given a position of political councilor, and
Saraha Hogg – a head of the political department. Later on after Parliament
elections 1992 John Major made rearrangements by appointing Gillian
Shephard Deputy Minister in Employment and later a head of an important
department of education and employment.33 For some
time Virginia Bottomley worked as a Minister of Health and later she
got a portfolio in the department of state properties. 34
They both had been working in the Cabinet during the Parliament
convocation of 1992. In 1992 Major made an appointment which couldn’t
be even an issue for discussions in the past. For the first time a woman
Stella Rimmington became a head of Security Service MI-5.35
But still all this did not save him from serious critics for ignoring
women – potential candidates to the Cabinet: in 1996 his administration
included besides Bottomley and Shephard only 9 women while there were
87 positions outside the Cabinet.36
Tradition to appoint members of a Shadow Cabinet only
from the parliament members put William Haig who took over Major in
1997 as a leader of the Party, in front of dilemma: either to leave
the Shadow Cabinet without women because of their minimal representation
and to draw critics for ignoring women or to appoint them in a proportion
which did not correspond to their real representation in the Parliament
faction. Haig found a compromise. Only in June 1999 he decided to increase
the number of women in the Shadow Cabinet up to 3: women were appointed
a Shadow Home Secretary, Shadow Minister of Trade and Industry, Shadow
Minister of Education and Employment.
_____________________
Shy and ultimately ineffective attempts of Major and
Haig to broaden women’s representation in the highest power echelons
were mainly result of bounding traditions. To achieve political success
in the Conservative Party one should be a member of non-official net.
There was no specific women net shaped through which women could help
each other in advancing to political positions. Although access to “men’s”
non-formal net was open for women but it was not enough to provide women
with equal chances.
Ideology and political decisions regarding women.
Prime-Minister Margaret Thatcher became a
vivid illustration of realization of woman’s abilities.
But for many women position of Thatcher herself was disappointing. When
answering a question if she considered gaining of leadership in the
Conservative Party in 1975 as a victory of women “the iron lady” mentioned:
”This is not a victory of women. This is a victory of a politician”.
37 Irritation became a typical reaction of feminist
researchers at Thatcher. In their eyes she got benefit of women’s movement
because she had gone to school “only for girls” and had studied at a
women’s college Samerville of Oxford University. Without women’s movement
she would have never got good education and achieved her high position.
But Thatcher herself always refuted and even condemned women’s movement
although the Conservatives traditionally had broad support of women.
With transition of leadership to Thatcher slogans
“back to Victorian values” and “consolidation of families” appeal to
family and parental responsibilities became central point of the Party
programs. In the government policy more accent was given to a family
model where a mother of a family was involved in upbringing of the children
and a father of a family provided them with living means. None of manifestoes
worked out under Thatcher’s supervision included a separate section
devoted to women. Instead Manifesto 1979 included a section “Parental
Rights and Responsibilities”38, 1983 – “Responsibilities
and Family”, “Maintaining Family Life”39 Manifesto
1987 which was fully pierced with spirit of victory differed a lot from two
previous ones. Its direct addressee was middle class which had strengthened
his positions during Thatcher’s leadership. Women and their specific
needs were mentioned only in a section on health care system.40
It was possible to assume that Thatcher’s coming to
power might be favourable for promotion of women’s interests but Thatcher,
who had achieved success in mainly men’s world, didn’t consider women
as a separate social group with specific interests and needs and practically
didn’t give any priority to “women’s issue”. In ideology of Conservatism
parenthood is regarded as personal issue and a family bears all financial
responsibility for his members. In practice it was expressed in consequent
reduction since middle of 1980-ties of universal programs on family
assistance. Thatcher’s political program didn’t contain suggestions
on broadening of possibilities for women. For example, Thatcher didn’t
improve the system of welfare for children thereby supporting point
of view on partial employment as the main type of labour contract for
women. She left unchanged system of preschool education which needed reforming
and which was a key issue for creating conditions for active participation
of women in social life.Thatcher didn’t make any steps to help women
to adjust to changing realities in the world and to combine work outside
home with upbringing of the children. Actually Thatcher advocated for
women’s staying at home, taking care of the family and playing traditional
roles. As a result according to census 1991 right before Thatcher’s
resignation in 10 groups of people with low income 76 per cent were
represented by women. At the same time in the first ten groups of people
with high income 83 per cent were men.41
__________________
In Thatcher’s policy there was no place for women
and “the iron lady” who was always praised for man’s intellect was called
“the best man in the Conservative Party”. Thatcher’s position regarding
women could be expressed in the following formula:”Do what I say,
not what I do”.42
Thatcher demonstrated extremely contradictory views
on place and role of women: not denying their role in the labour market she
gave instructive prescriptive recommendations to be good housewives
and wives. Already since 1979 there were various evidences which gave
grounds to assume that women, especially young, didn’t assimilate recommendations
of “the iron lady” and ideas of Thatcherism. Moreover among young women
there appeared a tendency of switching to the Labourite camp.
With all this going on necessity to follow requirements
of the world community pushed Thatcher’s Government to set up formal
structures responsible for changing and improving women’s conditions.
An important stimulating factor was approval by the British delegation
at the World UN conference on condition of women in Nairobi in 1985
of the final document “Forward Looking Strategy for the Advancement
of Women” 43 It was a plan of activities for the countries-participants
up till 2000 which anticipated creation of governmental mechanism for
monitoring and promotion of women’s status with setting up of a governmental
post on women’s issues. However in Great Britain in spite of the commitments
taken the governmental post wasn’t set up and women’s issues were distributed
among three governmental offices. Responsibilities of the officers of
the Ministry of Employment who were in charge of equal rights at work
included control over execution of The Law on Equality in the House.
Ministry of
Internal Affairs was given general coordinative functions
and was to supervise execution of The Law on Discrimination on the
Basis of Sex”. Secretariat of the Cabinet office provided Women’s
National Commission with informational service.44
The above-mentioned distribution of responsibilities was kept up till
elections 1992.
Replacement in 1990 of the Party leader brought some
changes in the Party strategy regarding women. In general, sticking
to position of “family values” Manifestoes 1992 and 1997 for the first
time included sections like “Women and Possibilities” and “Possibilities
for Women”. In those documents the conservatives admitted obstacles which
women faced and their financial instability and promised governmental
assistance in combining home responsibilities with their work. Those
commitments together with necessity to react to decisions of the conference
in Nairobi and mainly desire to counteract against Labourites’ plans
to set up Ministry on Women’s Issues if they won pushed the Conservatives
to accomplish something real.
Among activities of Major’s government we should mention
adoption in 1992 of the program New Horizons for Women”. As the
result of its realization women were to get more favourable possibilities
in the field of training, employment and public appointments. The program
didn’t get broad resonance but it could be called successful because
there was an increase of women appointed to governmental positions from
23 per cent in 1992 up to 30 per cent in 1996 45.
Major’s government achieved introduction of 14 week long guaranteed
maternity leave. 46 In February 1992 the Prime-Minister
personally announced official start for initiative Possibility 2000
aimed at creation of employment policy beneficial for families and increase
of working places for women.47 And still in spite
of the governmental support the program didn’t get wide ____________________
response and was revived only in 1997 after the Labourites
came to power.
The Conservatives made an effort to reform systems
of preschool and out-of-school education. Initiative of out-of-school
education which they announced in 1995 gave possibility to parents
with school children to work more actively outside homes. 48
Within its frames and with the help of government grant over 67 thousand
new places were established in preschool groups.49 In
1996 a voucher program was launched for kindergartens for total 730
mln pounds. It gave right to each parent of a 4-year child to get a
special voucher which could be used as payment for a place in any preschool
institution regardless of its form of property.50
As we can see the Conservatives began realizing necessity
of reforms directed at expanding possibilities for women and improving
their lives. Anyway they were too late to notice that during the 20th
century status of women and their needs and demands in the British society
had changed a lot and they missed the initiative passing it to the Labourites.
______________________
The Labour Party
Beginning of activities. After the first World War the Labourites occupied the
place of the Liberal party in a two-party system of Great Britain. 51.
Since 1997 they have been in power and pursue policy aimed at support
of women’s interests and advancing of women. In general they actively
appeal to working women of young and middle age groups as to their electorate.
But it wasn’t always like that. Specific character of establishment
of Labour Party based on collective membership52 left
imprint on its correlation with women both as electorate and women inside
the party. From the moment of the party foundation the Labourites had
to determine their attitude to the problem of political and civil rights
of women. Already in the peak of suffragist movement the Labourites
had to support suffragist demands in exchange for support to their candidates
from women’s organizations.
Issues on right to vote, attitude to property qualification
and expansion of electorate had been the most important in the Parliament
and internal Party debates during the second half of the 19th
century and the beginning of the 20th century. The most important
consequence of three Parliamentary reforms of the 19th century
(1832, 1867,1884-1885) was the growth of the electorate from 670 thousand
after the first reform up to 2 mln 500 thousand after the second reform
and 5 mln 700 thousand after the third.53 And still
the electrical right was not universal. Up till Parliamentary reform
1918 there was asymmetry in the right to vote which was seen in three
main directions: a)women were excluded from electoral policy;54
b) only part of men had right to vote; c) right to vote was based
not on a personality but on the property people had. Newly established
as a Parliamentary organization the Labour Party had to identify its
position regarding those issues.Independent Working Party and
Fabian Society which were part of the Labour Party initially
spoke for granting women with right to vote. Social-Democratic Federation
and Trade-Union Federation spoke only for elimination of property
qualification. But an increasing pressure of women’s movement which
differed in its methods of struggle, pushed the Party to identifying
its position regarding the voting rights for women.
___________________
51. By the end of the 19th century part
of the British society experienced great disappointment with limited
results of activities of the Parliament in social sphere. Hopes for
the Liberal Party which had been supported by most of the workers and
which united many workers-deputies (because separated socialist organizations
couldn’t ensure election of deputies and creation of the workers’ faction in
the Parliament) were gone. We can add that Liberals no matter how much
they supported ideas of individualism and civil rights demonstrated narrow-mindedness
in the issue of spreading electoral rights to the new groups of citizens
– and first of all women. That pushed several women leaders to cooperation
with the Labour Party. Exclusion of women from freedom rights was explained
by their so to say “natural” inability to overcome their “biological task”.
52. “Committee of Workers’ Representation” established
in 1900 in London was announced in 1903 Federation of Trade-Unions,
Fabian Society and Independent Working party. In 1906 the Committee
was given a new name of Labour Party and that year the party had the
first parliamentary success.The Labourites had altogether 29 deputies
in the House of Commons.
53. Chikalov R.A.,Chikalova I.R. Western Europe and
the United States of America(1815-1918):Textbook for university students,
history department, Mn.,2000. P.235
54. Beginning of agitation for women’s right to vote
was connected with two events. In 1864 a famous philosopher and MP John
Stuard Mill published in London a book “On Subordination of a Woman”
(M., 1994) and in 1866 it was him who brought a petition to the House
of Commons signed by one and a half thousand women, and amendment to
the Bill for the second Parliament reform. It envisaged possibility
of providing women with right to vote on the same conditions as men.74
deputied voted in favour of the amendment and that was recognition of
the problem but that was not enough to pass it. So defeat of the famous
amendment during discussions of the reforms aroused mass suffragist
movement.
Moderate suffragettes from National Union of Women
Societies headed by Milicent Focett and who belonged mainly to middle
class did only agitation work. Their tactics was ineffective. That’s
why in the beginning of the 20th century one part of those
who supported women’s political rights shifted to more aggressive methods
of political campaigns 55 while the second part focused,
especially after elections 1906, on work with political parties to promote
ideas of women’s right to vote. In 1903 Emmeline Panherst established
a militant suffragist organization Women Social and Political Union56
where key roles were played by women connected with workers’ organizations.
She herself was a wife of one of the leaders of Independent Working
Party (collective member of the Committee of Workers’ Representation) famous
lawyer and agitator for ideas of women’s political rights Richard Panherst.
She also had support from the leader of Independent Working Party
Kaire Gardy who was a constant supporter of that idea. In 1906 at
a conference of the Committee of Workers’ Representation E.Panherst
tried to persuade the leadership to adopt a point on expansion of the
existing electoral system in favour of women (that was what moderate
suffragettes were striving for) but she failed: as the result the conference
passed a decision for struggle for universal right to vote only for
men 57 This decision had become strategic for the
Labourites for several years when they regularly turned down resolutions
on expansion of electoral rights to women at the party conferences.
Besides
Women Social and Political Union (at least according to formal signs) Women’s Labourite League was
also established to help Labourites at elections. The first conference
of the League in 1906 defined goals of the organization as “to work
together with the Labour Party on achieving independent women Labourite
representation of women in the Parliament and in all local power bodies”.58
Bill on expansion of suffrage to women was adopted
by the House of Commons in 1904,1908,1910 59, 1911,1912
and 1913 in the second reading and in 1911 even in the third reading
but later its promotion was blocked. Nevertheless there was a turning
point including relations between moderate suffragettes and Labourites.
In response to failure of the draft law in 1913 at an annual Labourite conference the
resolution was adopted which called the Parliament faction of the Party
to counteract against any Bill on electoral reform unless it includes
provisions on women’s political rights.
The first World War made an issue on women’s electoral
rights not actual. And it was mentioned again in the Parliament before
the war was finished in connection with necessity to revise prewar electoral
lists. In 1917 the Parliament received a draft on a new electoral reform
suggested by coalition Cabinet of Lloyd George. Among other things it
stipulated right to vote for all women but only from the age of 30 and
right to nominate to the Parliament from the age of 21. In 1918 Bill
was turned into a Law which was in force till 1928 when women were granted
both active and passive right to vote alongside with men after they
reach 21. At 1923 ____________________
55 From the word – militants,militant suffragism, from
English: militant
56. The main form of protest for Women Social and
Political Union compared to moderate suffragists was demonstrative
break of law. Numerous Court verdicts didn’t stop aggressive suffragists
– Emmilin Panherst herself was 10 times in jail in 1913-1914.
57.We would like to mention that the point “on universal
electoral right for adult men” was already included in “The People’s
Charter” 1838.
58. Quote: Shkolnikov I.A. Labour Party in Great Britain
and Suffragist Movement// Adam and Eva. Gender History Almanac # 4,
2002, P.108
59. Year 1910 became a very important step in the
evolution of Labour policy regarding women’s suffrage. That year an
interparty Committee of Concord was set up in the House of Commons on
the initiative of the Labour deputy Henry Bralesford to work out a draft
on women’s political rights.
60. The Representation of the People (Equal Franchise)
Act (Royal Assent, 2 July 1928).
in political structures a long period in “invisibility”
of women and ignoring them in the Labour
Party began.
elections the first three women-Labourites were elected
to the Parliament.61 Since that time and after suffragette
movement left political stage and in spite of advent of certain women
in
Organization and style of work. The foundation of Labour party ideology was Fabian socialism which
anticipated equalization of rights of men and women. Fabian society
prepared programs for Labourites. At the same time the most important
role in the Party due to its system of collective membership was played by
mass Trade-Unions, especially traditional industrial unions with predomination
of men (whose attitude to women was to the limit conservative), by financing
the Party and providing large amount of its members. Reflecting this
dependence the Labour Party program guaranteed domination of Trade-Unions by
giving them sufficient representation in the National Executive Committee.
In spite of rhetorical devotion to ideas of equality
ideology, culture, organization and style of work of the Labour Party
from the very beginning of its existence and all through decades were
based on belief in existence of deep “natural” differences between sexes.
Consequently all spheres of life were divided into “men spheres” and
“women spheres”. Paternalist order was built in the structure of the
organization legalizing gender hierarchy. Women were traditionally considered only
as wives and mothers of the workers. Although since 1918 women could
join the Party individually, the model of political Labourite activist was
a Trade-Union member, industrial worker, a man. Most women (who were
not Trade-Union members) were admitted to the Party through women’s sections
in local organizations and that resulted in separation of most
women from the main Party structures. Women’s sections didn’t
have neither authority in making decisions nor direct representation
in executive bodies. That is why women with political ambitions had
to compete inside structures full of men where they faced traditional prejudices.
It didn’t become less even after more and more women became more active
in the county party organizations. Although by 1980 women made up 40
per cent of ordinary members, there were only 3 per cent of women in
the Labour Parliamentary faction and 11 per cent among delegates of
annual National conference. They occupied only 7 out of 29 seats
in the National Executive Committee, and 5 of those seats were just
reserved and were occupied according to Trade-Union’s wish. Women were
traditionally regarded as wives and mothers of the workers and not as
independent participants in social life. The model of political Labourite
activist was a Trade-Union member, industrial worker, a man.
Most of women were admitted to the Party through Women’s
sections. To coordinate their activities all over the country a
National Labour Women Consultative Committee 62 had
been acting since 1951. That organization played a consultative role
on women’s issues at the National Executive Committee. On the top of
that pyramid there was a women’s Labour conference which was convened
two times a year. Presence of separate women’s sections led to isolation
of most of the women from the main Party structures. Women’s sections
didn’t have neither authority in making decisions nor direct representation
in executive bodies.They were elected by an annual party-wide conference
even for the seats in the National Executive Committee which had been
reserved for women since 1981. That is why women with political ambitions had
to compete inside structures full of men where they faced traditional prejudices.
It didn’t become less even after more and more women became more active
in the county party organizations.
Crisis in the Party. Women’s movement which again presented
itself at the end of 1960-ties could have made Labour Party critically
reevaluate its gender policy. But many British feminists intensified
their activities in traditional institutions of political competition such
as parties, unions, local governments only after 1979. That is why till
the end of 1970-ties the party didn’t feel any serious pressure from
women’s movement because its participants were skeptical about work
in political structures.
_______________________
Dod’s Parliamentary Companion (London: Dod’s Parliamentary Companion LTD, 1924)
In 1981 the word "consultative" was withdrawn from the name
However by the beginning of 1980-ties the situation
began changing and that was connected with several reasons. Women’s
movement split into fragments: those who assimilated feminist ideology
joined the Labour Party and began working at its feminization. Committee
of Labour
Women Movement 63 was among the most popular women’s
groups which appeared at the beginning of 1980-ties. Its demands included
holding of debates at Labour Party annual conference on resolutions
adopted by women’s party conference. Besides they suggested that women
should be elected for the seats in the National Executive Committee
at women’s conferences and because of that they would be accountable
to women – Labour Party members and not to the Party as a whole. The
Committee also demanded to include at least one woman-candidate in the
list of MP candidates. At that stage women activists tried to build
alliance with the Party left wing but it was very hard to make Labour
discurse gender sensitive: left-wing members accounted on trade-unions
and didn’t want to spoil their relations with such influential groups
because of women’s demands. That is why, in spite of its radical claims
left wing showed extreme conservatism when there was need to transform
the organization to make it more democratic, open and responsive to
new ideas. All attempts to develop gender perspective under such conditions
failed. All demands of the Committee of Labour Women Movement were
ignored and that was due to the wish of the Party, including its left
wing, to keep support of influential Trade-Unions which didn’t hide their
hostile attitude to collective representation of women.
After some time a number of internal and external
events made the Labour leadership start thinking about the impression
the Party produced on women. Because they were not satisfied with the
decision of the Party conference in 1951 in Wambly including the new
mechanism of selection of the Party leader by introducing a system of
electors’ Board where Trade-Unions had 40 per cent of votes, several
influential party functioners including Shirly Williams left the Labour
Party.
Concern about the image of the Party appeared after
the Labourites had been defeated at 1983 elections. The new leader Neil
Kinnok who had took over after Michael Foot, headed the Party which
program was aimed at protection of property rights of a narrow group
of organized industrial workers and which was rejected by electors.
It appeared that the Labourites in their program demands on gender issue
couldn’t seriously compete even with the programs of Social-Democrats
and the Liberals who counted on the Party with a new image. Because
of that the Labour Party leadership should have to assess the rate of
the Party influence on the voters in general and the women in particular.
That concern especially increased after defeat at the parliamentary
1987elections. Research held by the Shadow Communication Agency testify
to the fact that image stayed to main problem for the Party.64
On its side the Committee of Labour Women Movement
launched wide-scale debates on the place of women in the Party.
Support of its activities which first had been limited by the actions
of middle-class women who associated themselves with feminism and leftism,
was widened because of the numerous Party women-activists from other
social sections. Besides, Clare Short and Harriet Harman who shared feminist ideology
were elected to the Parliament. They joint a very influential MP feminist
Joe Richardson to advance women’s demands inside the Party. The more
important role was played by the fact that Trade-Union leaders began
giving some support to women-activists who had been agitating for changes
in policy in regard of working women and increase of their representation
in leadership since 1960. Crisis in Trade-Union movement in 1980-ties
made his leaders more sensitive to women’s demands. As the result several
Trade-Union members approved of the new policy regarding equal rights,
sexual harassment at work and maternity protection. Indicator of the
success was establishing of The equal rights section in 1988
in the Trade-Union Congress.
______________________
Industrial unions with men’s predomination were losing their
influence during 1980 – 1990 while there was a sufficient growth of
reputation of Trade-Unions for service workers where there were mainly
women. That pushed Trade-Union leadership to begin to pay attention
to women’s needs. Trade-Union leaders began participating in debates
inside the Labour Party on gender issues and women’s representation
in elective bodies. On the other hand, Party women-activists began more
actively work in Trade-Unions to coordinate their activities. In some
cases personal connections in that mutual process played a very important
role: Harriet Harman became a wife of one of the most prominent Trade-Union
activists.
Although Committee of Labour Women Movement was
not admitted to the group involved in revising the Party policy, its
final document:”Meet the Challenge, Make the Challenge” 65
contained a considerable amount of commitments regarding women.
They included equality in taxation, development of legislation aimed
at gender equality, expansion of preschool educational system and increase
of minimum wages. At the same time Party leadership began tending towards
policy of positive discrimination with the aim of increasing
number of women among PMs. Labour Party Conference in 1989 approved
resolution supporting principle of compulsory representation of women
in the final lists of candidates. It was followed by a Declaration of
the Conference in 1989 which declared achieving of equal representation
of women and men in the Parliament in 10 years and after three Parliament
elections to be the objective of the Party. In addition in its pre-election
Manifesto the Party addressed an open appeal to British women promising
to set up a position of a Minister on Women’s Issues if they achieved Parliament
majority and formation of the government. Evidently, it was the first realized
appeal to women-voters made by a British political party. As one of
the steps to establishing an authorized institution on women’s issues
the Party included a Parliamentary orator on women’s rights in the Shadow
Cabinet.
However special decisions for implementation of that
strategy in life were not made up till the next demoralizing defeat
at general elections in 1992. The Party was still considered by voters
as limited, not progressive, sitting in Trade-Union’s “pocket”. And
though after elections 1992 the number of women-deputies from Labour
Party increased from 21 up to 37, it was taken without optimism. Women
made 21 per cent of Labour candidates and only 14 per cent of the Parliamentary
faction of the Party. So there was need in real work in changing masculine
character of the Party.
As before the biggest obstacle was lack of confidence
in the Party, mainly on behalf of women. All researches showed that
much more women had voted for the Conservatives rather than for the
Labourites. That appeared crucially important during the Parliament
elections in 1992 when the Labourites were one point ahead among men but
were 15 points behind among women. If in 1992 women had voted for the
Labourites in the same proportion as men, the Party would have won the
elections.66 That pushed the Labourites to undertake
urgent measures to eliminate or at least decrease a gap by next Parliamentary
elections. That was why the Party leadership when determining the strategy
focused their attention on decrease of gender gap at voting.
Differentiation in political preferences among women-voters
of various age groups gave the Labourites real possibility to attract
more votes of younger generation. Women who were combining work outside
home with up-bringing of children positively accepted the Labour Party
program. First of all they were attracted by the developed system of
preschool education which was promised in the program. What about elderly
women, the elections in 1992 confirmed that women of that age group
were frightened by the Labourites’ image which for them was associated with
a propaganda poster of the past showing gloomy rows of workers in caps.
Association of the Party with the Trade-Unions with predomination of
men made voters apprehend it as a particular masculine organization
which was far away from women’s interests.
______________________
So, even at a high level of disappointment by the
Conservative policy women gave less support to the Labourites than men.
Interparty reforms. The main goal of internal party reforms was to change voters’ attitude
to the Party by moving away from a model of a closed organization representing
narrow corporative interests of industrial workers to a model of an
open pluralized party based on individual membership. To achieve that
goal the Labour leadership began looking for possibilities to set a
distance between the Party and the Trade-Unions, to decrease their influence
in making Party decisions and to transfer power from activists of electoral
districts to “common” members. On the other hand, desire to change the
Party image and the voters’ attitude was connected with the problem
of a wider representation of women. Party leadership hoped that their
wider representation in the Parliament would help to change unfavourable
image of the Party in the eyes of voters. The efforts to increase a
number of women-MP were combined with various procedure changes designed
to increase their representation in the Party leadership bodies, such
as National Executive Committee and national Conference.
5 places were reserved for women in a separate “Women’s
Section” at National Executive Committee. In addition women had right
to be part of sections such as “County Organizations” and “Trade-Unions”.
To be elected in those sections on terms of open competition with men
was always considered as a more sufficient achievement than just membership
in “Women’s Section”. Anyway women elected in those sections always
presented an absolute minority: for example, during 1980-ties there
were never more than 2, and more often just 1 woman in that section.
Up till 1992 no one woman had ever been elected to the “Trade-Union”
section. To increase a number of women in the National Executive Committee
a quota system was used. In was decided that from 1993 two places would
be reserved for women both in the section “County Organizations” and “Trade-Unions”.
Later on starting from 1995 a quota for women for the section “County
Organizations” was increased up to 3 places. As the result on a new
procedure women’s representation in the National Executive Committee
increased. In 1986 only 7 places (27%) out of 29 places in the National
Executive Committee were occupied by women while in 1996 their number
increased up to 14 (48%).
A new regulation was introduced to have at least half
of women among organization people on the level of electoral districts
and in the central party apparatus. In case that was not possible those
positions should be left vacant. Certain measures on changing gender
proportions at annual party conferences also appeared to be effective.
Starting from 1993 the Trade-Unions began sending women as delegates
for the conferences pro rata their amount in the Trade-Unions. At the
same time it was decided that those Labour Party organizations in electoral
districts which had right to send only one delegate to the conference
should send a woman every other year.67
Broadening of women’s representation in the party
bodies created a favorable background for advancing women to the Parliament.
In June 1993 the National Executive Committee made decision to approve
a fixed quota for a half of wining places and half of marginal places
to be given to women at the next elections in case if acting PMs wouldn’t nominate
for those positions. The decision was to be realized through requirement
to district party organizations to select candidates for those special
places only from women’s lists. That year the Party agreed with the
principle suggested. Coordinated procedure stipulated that half of electoral
districts with safe places and half of electoral districts with marginal
places should approve women’s electoral lists.
Approval of that suggestion was achieved due to a
successful alliance between reformers who were headed by Tony Blare
after Neil Kinnock’s death in 1994, and Party women-activists. Women
agreed to support resolution of the Party conference in 1994 on introducing
a new regulation “one person – one vote” ruining domination of the Trade-Unions,
on condition that
a resolution on quota in selection of candidates would
also be supported. The conference took a decision to start selection
of the candidates from ready women’s lists. To soften negative impression
of that decision they started the procedure from marginal places.
The decision to make up women’s lists and select candidates
from them was opposed by the party organizations in those districts
where the Labourites had safe places. In spite of that, as the date
of the opening of the National Executive Conference where the debates
were to be held on “women’s representation” was coming nearer, the selection
of women not just for marginal but also for winning places was speeded
up. By the middle of 1995 the process of selection of electoral districts
and nomination of women-candidates for marginal places was fully accomplished.
However soon they had to give up the idea of candidates’
selection from women’s list. Two men-Labourites brought an action against
the Party. The main point of their suit was the fact that they had been
denied as potential candidates for the places reserved for women, exclusively
on the basis of sex. In January 1996 The Industrial Tribunal in
Leads came to a conclusion that a separate women’s list is incompatible
with The Law on Sex Discrimination” of 1975 and consequently
is illegal.68 As the result the Labour Party Executive
Committee had to make a decision to refuse from forcible selection of
women-candidates from women’s lists. 69 Nevertheless
the turn had already taken place and that decision couldn’t radically
affect the women’s success at elections in 1997.
However because of the prohibition of women’s lists
already at elections in 2001 the Labourites faced the fact that the
number of women elected to the Parliament for the first time decreased.
Being alarmed by that fact they in February 2002 achieved passing of
a new Law ”The Sex Discrimination”(Election Candidates)”in the
Parliament. 70 Its main idea
was to eliminate legal barriers existing in the Law “Sex Discrimination”
of 1975 and in the similar Law of 1976 acting in Northern Ireland.
Because of that political parties got possibility to use positive measures
to lessen the gap between number of men and women elected to the Parliament.
The Law gave permission to political parties to make their own decision
on what measures they could use if they want to decrease gender inequality.
Effect of the Law spread out not just on elections to the House of Commons
but also to legislative bodies of Scotland and Wells and to local authority
bodies and European Parliament. The same alterations were brought in
the Law for Northern Ireland. The Law is valid till 2015 and that is
an indication of temporary character of positive measures. According
to the Law movers its use in three election cycles on all levels will
be enough to change gender balance in legislative structures.
Reforms of the Shadow Cabinet and the Cabinet.
Till the end of 1980 women were rare figures in the Labour Shadow Cabinet.
The first formal step to introduce more women there was undertaken in
1989 when the Labour Party headed by Neil Kinnock revised order of
annual elections to the Shadow Cabinet. Alterations concerned the following
condition: at voting in each bulletin at least 3 out of 18 preferences
should be given to women-candidates. At the same time the Shadow Cabinet
membership which used to be 15 people was increased up till 18 to meet
that requirement.
In the beginning of 1990-ties women in the Shadow
Cabinet expanded their influence on a considerably wider range of issues
compared to the one which traditionally covered “women’s issues”. They
were wider represented in junior positions concerning spheres of education
and employment, agriculture, environment protection, trade and industry,
finances. They were committed places in Scotland office and other offices
of the party parliamentary organizers.
However no one woman was appointed Shadow Foreign
Minister, Minister of Interior, Minister of Finance or Minister of Defense.
Between 1992 and 1994 women’s prestige in the Shadow
Cabinet went up by the fact of election of Margaret
Beckett a deputy leader of the Party.71 As the result
of elections 1992 the women’s representation on Labour benches in the
House of Commons increased from 21 up to 37. After that in 1993 the
Party leadership suggesting reforming of the Shadow Cabinet to increase
a number of women up to 4 members, and deputies of the Parliament Labour
faction were to vote for them.72 Alterations of regulations
in 1989 and in 1993 were supported by the leaders of the Party Neil
Kinnock and John Smith who took over Neil Kinnock. An increased quota
was approved at the meeting of the Parliament faction in July 1993 73.
Obviously if the new voting procedure hadn’t set up a quota for women
it would have been impossible to guarantee minimum number of women in
the Shadow Cabinet. But quota principle was vulnerable because it gave
opportunity to opponents if they were resolute enough, to coordinate
their voting tactics and did not allow election of women beyond minimum.
Already in 1981 it was decided to introduce to the
Labour Party regulations a requirement according to which “taking
a position of the Prime-Minister the leader appoints members of his
Cabinet among those who were elected to the Parliament Committee (Shadow
cabinet – author’s comment) by the time of dissolution of the Parliament
and kept their places in the new Parliament”74 After
the Labourites’ victory at elections in 1997 this decision fully played
its role. Accepted standard stressed the Party intention to set up tough
regulations for the government formation. Now, when the power was in
the Labourites’ hands that procedure rule was to find its practical
realization. For women it meant inevitable strengthening of their political
presence in the government on condition of their preliminary membership
in the Shadow Cabinet. Labour Party leadership displayed consistency
and Anne Tailor became a leader of the Labour faction in the House of
Commons. Among 21 Ministers in Tony Blare’s government there was Margaret
Becket who headed agency of trade and industry, Hattriet Harman - social
security, Margory Molam - Northern Ireland, Clare Short – overseas territories.75
17 women were appointed junior ministers out of the Cabinet.76
Introduction of 4 women to the government was an unexampled fact
compared to the only woman – member of the previous Labour government
of Callagen who was in power from 1976 till 1979.
Tendency to increase women’s representation in administration
bodies was expressed in softening of the manpower policy. After the
Labourites came to power in 1997 a systematic work on increasing number
of women in governmental institutions began: the task was set to have
number of women by the year 2005 45 – 50 per cent of all employees.77
One of the most firm men’s bastions was Foreign Minister. For the
first time (and again by the Labour government) only in 1976 a woman
Anne Worberton was appointed an ambassador to Denmark.78
Up till 1972 there was a requirement of celibacy for women working
in the Foreign Ministry. After that requirement was cancelled and with
the Labourites came to power a slow _____________________
tendency to growth of number of women in that Ministry appeared
starting with the end of 1990-ties. In 1999 among 148 positions available
5 women worked as ambassadors .
Labour Party Social policy in the Women’s Interests.
Starting with elections in 1974 the
Labourites, unlike the Conservatives, put in separate subsections to
all program Manifestoes containing a list of commitments to women: “Women’s
Charter” (1974), “Equality for Women” (1979), “The Best Offer for Women”
(1983), “Women’s Rights” (1987), “Labour Ministry on Women’s Issues”
(1992). Leitmotif of all those Manifestoes was the principle of practical
provision of equal rights for women but not just a polite conversation
on equal rights.79 Achievement of equality of men
and women was proclaimed the goal of the Party. Women should be given
a free choice between family responsibilities and work. Men and women
should share rights and responsibilities concerning work paid and household
chores so that segregation in the sphere of home labour and out of door
labour is destroyed.80 The Labourites blamed the Conservatives
for their attacks on women’s rights, growth of number of unemployed
women, ruining services which women needed so much. The Labourites suggested
a wide range of commitments regarding women: to provide equal payment
for labour of the same value by introducing a corresponding amendment to
“The Law of Equal Payment”, to strengthen the Law on “Sex
Disrimination” by introducing in that Law of prohibition of direct
and indirect discrimination in family status, to strengthen and broaden
the role of Commission on Equal Possibilities”, to expand labour
rights to women who have part-time work and a family, to provide additional
assistance to families with one parent, to increase grants for mothers,
to introduce a position of the Cabinet Minister who will be in charge
of realizing equality between sexes, to eliminate existing barriers
in execution of reproductive rights of women and many others.81
Long time absolute predomination of men in political
structures, on the one side, and conservative prejudice against women
on the other side resulted in the fact that only several crucial women’s
problems found their late legislative decision and that happened mainly
due to the Labourites’ efforts and because of rising tide of women’s
movement. After the Second World War the Labour Party won the Parliament
elections in 1945, 1964, 1974, 1976, 1997 and 2001 and formed the government 1945
– 1951, 1964 – 1970, 1974 – 1976, 1976 – 1979, 1997 – 2001 and currently
stay at power. In 1969 and in 1975 the Labour government set up correspondingly
Women’s National Commission and Commission on Equal Possibilities”.
The first got a status of the main consultative body on women’s issues
for the government. The second, together with Commission on Equal
Possibilities in Northern Ireland” set up in 1976 were independent
organizations though financed by the central government.
“Abortion Law” passed by the Labourtes in 1967 handed over control over reproduction
to the women themselves by permitting legal abortion in the presence
of medical conclusion that it was necessary. The Labour legislation
against discrimination in the field of employment included to Parliamentary
Acts: “On Equal Payment” (1970) and “On Sex Discrimination”(1975).
The first didn’t permit to pay women less than men for the same work while
the second made sex discrimination of both women and men illegal in
all spheres of social life. Although this Law equally excludes sex discrimination
of women and men, practically it more often protects women. “The
Law on Domestic Violence and Procedures Regarding a Husband”(1976)
gave possibility to a wife or any other woman in a civil marriage to
go to the County Court with request to pass a resolution forbidding
a partner to apply violence against her or her child and
and even deprive a violator of his right to reside
in his house. In case of physical damage to a
_____________________
woman or a child as well as possible thread of a repeated
attack the Court decision might stipulate arrest of the violator. List
of means to protect women from men’s aggression and sexual violence
was expended during 1980 – 1990-ties. From 1984 the Law gave permission
to force wives to give evidence against offenders releasing them from
mutual accusations on behalf of their husbands in evidences against
them. In 1992 the House of Lords adopted an amendment to the “Law
on Sexual Crimes” of 1985 according to which a husband can be put
on trial for raping a wife. Although traditionally police preferred
not to interfere into family conflicts, after the above-mentioned laws
were passed the police began investigating cases of home violence more
resolutely.
When the Labour Party came to power in 1997 they declared
about attachment of the priority status to women’s problems and started
implementation of several programs aimed at reforming of the situation
and broadening of possibilities for women. They set up a special subdivision on
women’s issues inside the Ministry of Social Security. Its main aspects in
work were declared:
creation of a system of up-bringing of children, organization
of working environment favorable
for families, elimination of violence against women
at home and out of home, creation of atmosphere of confidence between
women and the government, promotion of women’s representation on all
levels in the government and public bodies.82 After
victorious elections in 2001 the Labourites set up a new structure inside
the Ministry of Industry – Women and Equality Unit responsible for gender
equality, coordination of efforts on reduction and elimination of obstacles
on the way of achieving equality and equal possibilities for everybody.
Transference of the Unit from the Ministry of Social Security to the
Ministry of Industry meant recognition of the fact that women, especially those
having children, should be not just and not so much consumers of the
governmental social aid and objects of social policy, but to enjoy the
same possibilities in the sphere of labor relations. Only being firmly
established in that status they can feel full-fledged citizens of the
country and educators for children who get idea of the world of labor
through family experience.
In spite of efforts to reform system of pre-school
and out-of-school education in Great Britain by the Maidjor’s government,
it stayed the most undeveloped in the European community. 90 per cent
of single mothers wanted to work but because of various difficulties
had to give up that idea.83 Access to educational
institutions depended on the location of residence of the family. Parents
in rural areas had extremely little possibility to place a child to
a preschool or out-of-school institution. In 1997 93 per cent of rural
district did not have day nurseries and 92 per cent did not have groups
for out-of-school education.84 To solve that problem
the Blare’s government declared in 1998 the beginning of The
National Strategy of Children Education. The Labourites focused creation
of a well-developed system of children education to achieve the main
goals such as strengthening of families, support of stable and strong
economy. In the frames of The National Strategy of Children
Education by 2006 2 mln new places are to be open for children in
educational institutions, and by 2003 over 1.1 mln have already been opened.
Thus the Government fulfilled its promise to provide a place in a kindergarten
for every 4-year child if he needs it.85 New specialists
for educational institutions were trained from young
people under 25 who didn’t work and who got chance
to get qualification and professional experience in educational organizations.86
That was also the demand of market situation to
___________________________
establish necessary amount of places in preschool
and out-of-school institutions. The suggested program was actually continuation
of Out-of-School Education Initiatives of the Conservative Government
but only on a wider scale.
In Great Britain the problem of lone mothers was still
unsettled. By the end of 1990-ties 2 mln children were brought up by
1 mln lone parents who got social benefits. In the frame of
The National Strategy
of Children Education the Labourites announced introduction of the
program New Deal for Lone Parents.87 from June
1997. 500 thousand lone parents were invited to Employment Centers for
consultations in search for jobs, training and assistance in up-bringing
of children. At the same time the Government started a series of training
workshops for consultants on lone parents’ problems. The workshop programs
included various topics such as assistance to lone parents in search
for jobs, explanation of labor legislation, search for training and
retraining programs, training for passing interviews for a job, search
for a suitable Children’s Center, help lone parents in calculations
to realize the advantage of work compared to getting a social welfare.88
At the same time the Labourites started reforming
of a welfare system for the employees with low income to pay expenses
for education of children. In 1997 child support was increased from
60 up to 100 pounds a week for a family with 2 and more children. Right
for child support was given to parents having children at the age of
up to 12 and not 11 as it used to be before.89 In
2003 the amount of grant for a new-born child was increased from 60
to 100 pounds, while the maternity leave was extended up to 26 weeks
with providing opportunity to get a 6-week unpaid vacations. For the
first time these terms were expanded on adoptive parents and fathers.90
By 2004 programs Sure Start and Neighbourhood
Childcare Initiative had effect on 400 thousand children who live
in unfavourable areas and who make one third of all children from poor
families. In the network of these programs during 3 years of their operation
and by 2004 300 mln pounds were invested in the most needy districts
to provide children with necessary conditions for living and development.
In April 1999 for the first time in the British history
the Labourites introduced A National Wages Minimum which was
applied to the major part of the working people. Because women were
lower-paid salaried workers more often than men (the Government admits
that 70 per cent of lower-paid employees are women) including hourly
paid women (in 1998 500 thousand women made less than 2.5 pounds per
hour 91) the new system first of all had an impact
on this section of population. National wages minimum touched 2 mln
of workers including 1.3 mln of women 92 and was equal
to 4.5 pounds per hour by the end of 2003.
The Labourites made next step on the way to elimination
of discrimination by expanding application of the Equal Pay Law of
1970 which was spread on cases of discrimination of workers of opposite
sexes. In April 2003 that Law was supplied with Equal Pay Questionnaire
to provide workers independently of their sex with right to inquire their
employers if they get the same salary as their colleagues do and if
not, what are the reasons for that.
One more aspect in Tony Blare’s Cabinet activities
was creation of an employment system
_________________________
Current Archives of the Ministry of Social Security of Great Britain
. Harriet Harman Announces New Deal For Lone Parents // Department
of Social Security. Press Release. 2 July 1997.
favourable for the families. Up till 1999 working
conditions and benefits for the employees were mainly regulated by the
companies and not by the National Law. Range of benefits suggested was
very wide. For example, among largest companies Lloyd TSB offered
a long-term leave for parents up to 63 weeks with reservation of benefits.
ASDA company gave parents unpaid summer vacations up to three
weeks. Tesco, Boots, ASDA, Natwest offered their employees so
called “carrier vacations” similar to vacations for parents.93
To unify working conditions and benefits for employees all over
the country the Government initiated Labour Relations Law in
the Parliament which was approved in 1999 and according to which the
workers were given right to demand an unpaid “parents’” vacation up
till 3 months and “reasonable” amount of time to solve “family incidents”.
That right was spread on part-time employees and contractors with fixed
terms of labour agreement. Starting from April 2003 those employees
who had children under 6 were granted right to demand a flexible work
schedule. It is considered that due to that 55 thousand young mothers
can be back to their jobs.94
In Great Britain, earlier than in other countries concern
about the problem of domestic violence among women’s organizations was
developed. Research held in 1992 showed that British police
